Race Bias #39 - "Whites as 'Filler'"
In this installment of the Race Bias series we shift to racial dispossession of European-Americans in the democratic process.
The Voting Rights Act of 1968 has been used to create majority black districts for the purpose of ensuring that 10% of U.S. Congressmen are black. These districts are formed when the U.S. Justice Department files suit to gain the power of apportionment and redistricting.
But of course, redistricting is an art, one that is practiced for purposes of obtaining advantage. Through a process called "packing" you can ensure the election of more minorities and more liberals than their numbers in the population or in the actual voter turnout would justify.
The idea is simple. You just draw district boundaries in such a way that all of the Euro-American voters who will vote to defend themselves and their interests are packed densely into the fewest number of districts. That is why many Republican districts in California have 80% Republican registration, while the Democratic Districts have only 60% Democratic registration. Why waste votes?
Sort of gives you a whole new perspective on the value of a "diverse" society, doesn't it!
As Abigail Thernstrom states on page A15 of the April 12, 1995 edition of the Wall Street Journal:
"The Congressional Black Caucus in its amicus brief in the Louisiana case calls deliberately fashioned majority-black constituencies "among the least segregated districts in the Nation." Indeed, such districts are not "segregated," if by that we mean districts whose populations are exclusively of one race. "They all contain substantial numbers of whites. But integrated they are not. White voters are merely "filler" in such districts, as two proponents of racial gerrymandering have put it. They are included so as not to waste black ballots by excessive "packing." Those black ballots are the only ones meant to count. These are districts reserved for black candidates - no white candidates need apply."
Thus, there are reasons why democracy always seems to fail. But if you think that the story ends here, you have forgotten Yggdrasil's first rule of politics, and that is "follow the money flows and you will arrive at the truth."
This is a quiz! Quick - who else might benefit disproportionately from enlargement of the Congressional Black Caucus?
For the answer, we take another one of Yggdrasil's lessons in careful reading to connect seemingly unrelated facts. In a Wall Street Journal article on Sept. 17, 1993, page A12, two new women lawmakers were profiled. About Rep. Carrie Meek, a black woman representing Miami's black neighborhoods, the article had the following to say:
"Last winter, when the Democratic leadership seemed bent on curbing the committee's strength, Ms. Meek preached defiance - and delivered precious votes from the black caucus. "I just got here," she says. "I certainly don't want the strength diluted after I finally made it after 125 years."
"Her performance won the hearts of the committee leadership but set her apart from the broader budget-cutting, reform agenda associated with last year's election. This is one newcomer who takes to the floor to praise the Army Corps of Engineers and tree-planting programs ridiculed by others. Like many minority legislators with poor constituents, she balks at giving up political action committee contributions."
Indeed, I'll bet she does.
Think about it. If you are a lobbyist for a large pharmaceutical company, what could be better than a congressman from a poor district dependent on business lobbies for contributions, and with constituents who do not recognize legislative agendas and can only recognize the color of their congressman's skin? From a lobbyists perspective, it's perfect.
The typical large corporation has grown quite comfortable with big government, and would prefer to deal with representatives who cannot afford to say "no" to special interest legislation and who need not fear reaction in their districts, because the districts can only react to race.
Thus, there are clear political reasons why big business has quietly come to favor racial gerrymandering in the political process and the more generalized transformation of the United States into a third-world country through immigration. It makes the political process much easier to deal with.
And, indeed, the Congressional Black Caucus now stages rather crass fundraisers to keep the shell game going. The excerpt that follows is a classic illustrating the total dependence of the Black Caucus on business contributions, giving business the means of enacting special-interest legislation inimical to the interests of the majority.
BUSINESS & RACE
By Leon E. Wynter
09/21/93 WALL STREET JOURNAL (J), PAGE B1
Black Caucus's Clout With Business Grows
THE CONGRESSIONAL Black Caucus jumped to 40 members this year from 26, and corporations are taking notice. Many companies sharply raised their support for the caucus's huge annual legislative conference in Washington, which ended Sunday.
McDonnell Douglas, for example, rented the cavernous National Air and Space Museum for a reception honoring 14 black freshman legislators. It was a "several fold" increase in spending over the company's 1992 support, says Thomas M. Culligan, a McDonnell vice president. He says the largess was prompted by heightened awareness of minority issues and the fact that some 7,000 McDonnell employees live in the district of caucus member Rep. William Clay (D., Mo.).
"We want to work with the caucus," Mr. Culligan says. "It's a growing voice, and its agenda grows with it."
The caucus, whose members now make up almost 10% of the House, attracted some first-time sponsors, like Federal Express and Tyson Foods, according to caucus officials, who declined to discuss the fund-raising campaign in detail. The caucus's long-time sponsors include Chrysler, Philip Morris, Sony and PepsiCo.
There was some grumbling among corporations about pressure to increase donations to the caucus's nonprofit research and education fund, according to several company representatives. But that didn't put a serious damper on the giving. The 500 tables at the caucus's awards banquet were sold out, mostly to corporations, even though the top price of a table jumped to $25,000 this year from $10,000 last year. * * *
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