Race Bias #33 - "Affirmative Action and the Supreme Court"

Well, in 1996 the Supreme Court has held in the "Adarand" case that race preferences in federal contracting are unconstitutional except to remedy provable, specific instances of discrimination. The decision prevents federal contracting preferences based explicitly on race. And indeed, it is hard to fault a decision in which the Supremes finally learn to read the plain text of the 14th Amendment.

But then, we must ask, what will be the practical impact?

- The decision spares Congress the necessity of acting on the issue of Affirmative Action. It spares Clinton the necessity of having to take a position in public. Thus, it spares the country a divisive public debate that would have heightened awareness of anti-white racial preferences. It denies European-Americans the opportunity of eliminating these preferences through the democratic process.

- Denying the European-American majority the opportunity to decide the issue with their votes preserves the present liberal, integrationist political elite and keeps that elite in office. It prevents European-Americans from getting in the habit of using their votes to protect their racial interests.

- The black upper class will still demand protection from market forces. With deviation back toward a population mean 15 IQ points below the average, downward mobility among this group will be great. The pressure on government to intervene with preferences to prevent this downward mobility will continue.

- The liberal elites still need their non-white racial allies in their political coalition. They will immediately seek ways to grant the racial preferences under neutral sounding criteria, such as "economic disadvantage" or "urban background" etc.

- Explicit racial criteria can be replaced with geographic preferences for black and hispanic neighborhoods, thereby accelerating the balkanization of the United States.

- The Federal and State agencies that administer these programs are still in place and still staffed with tens of thousands of white-haters who will work to continue the preferences under different masks.

- All this raises the question why preferences for blacks and hispanics could not be run quietly, from behind the scenes in the first place (like aid to Israel). The answer is that racial preferences had to be visible and brazen in order to convince very unsophisticated black and hispanic electorates that the system was "fair" from their perspective.

- While neutral sounding criteria such as "economic disadvantage" or geographic preferences can be manipulated in such a manner as to protect the black and hispanic upper classes, such criteria will not satisfy the black and hispanic masses. Violence and discontent are likely to escalate.

- The Supreme Court decision leaves untouched all of the private race preference schemes operated by large corporations and protected against attack by the "Weber" decision.

- The Supreme Court decision leaves untouched all of the public race preference schemes involving tax breaks and direct subsidies, such as enterprise zones and tax credits for new job creation in areas of high unemployment. The decision leaves open the possibility of shifting the cost onto the taxpayers.

- The adaptations of the liberal elite to the new Supreme Court decision will make it much more difficult for European- Americans to prove that preferences are being handed out based on racial criteria. The preferences will no longer be advertised openly, as they have in the past. Thus, Whites will need institutions with professional staff to discover and publicize these newly disguised racial preferences. At the present time, no such institution exists.


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