Powell, O.J. & the Middle Class

An article from the Nov. 8, 1995 Wall Street Journal, p A18, entitled "Tax Breaks for Being Black," states that:

"Other than name recognition, O.J. Simpson and Colin Powell don't appear, at first glance, to have much in common. But in the eyes of the federal government, both of them are "economically disadvantaged" and in need of special government help, which is exactly what they got.

"According to CNN, in 1985 a group of black investors that included Mr. Simpson and Mr. Powell bought a television station in Buffalo, N.Y., and benefitted from a federal minority preference program that gave them a tax break to buy the station."

The truth is that Colin Powell and O.J. have much more in common than just name recognition and race preferred investments.

Both have actively and successfully projected and exploited the image of the "friendly negro." It is an image that the White middle class desperately wants to believe.

That is why the March 19, 1996 edition of the Los Angeles Times, p 1, states:

The truth is that the White middle class is frightened to death of blacks and the "race problem." They want their gentle black hero, Colin Powell, to use his image and influence with blacks to make the problem go away.

More than anything else, the White middle class wants to be comforted that the "race problem" is manageable. To the White Middle class, the Colin Powells, O.J.s and Magic Johnson's hold out hope. Hope for an escape from their intense fears.

The White middle class is aware of the black family breakdown, illegitimacy rates of 60%, horrendous crime rates in our urban centers, and (thanks to O.J.) widespread, race-based jury nullification that makes it impossible for our present legal system to ensure safety. The White middle class is also aware of the "war" being waged against it.

The Sydney Morning Herald (Australia) "THE RACE WAR OF BLACK AGAINST WHITE" by Paul Sheehan. Saturday, 20 May 1995:

The problem is that your degree of exposure to the above carnage depends on the quality of your real estate. With few exceptions, the above assaults take place in a narrow band in and around our urban combat zones.

Middle class whites who can afford homes in distant suburbs escape most of the impact, but still experience the fear. Those who live at the margins of our urban centers bear the brunt.

Thus, much of middle class white America is content to let the problem continue.

What the suburban middle class wants is a quick fix to the problem. They are not into difficult solutions, like pulling the plug on aid to dependent children and then forcibly containing the riots.

Nor are they into expensive solutions. They do not want to increase the tribute they must pay to blacks in the form of welfare to keep them quiet.

What they want is a quick fix through image and advertising. Like the infamous "Dare" and "project self esteem" campaigns, they hope that a "role model" like Colin Powell can somehow transform the dangerous and fearsome black population into something more like themselves.

But most of all, they want to keep the problem and their fears under wraps and out of the public view.

They think that if they can just find enough non-threatening "gentle negroes" among our sports stars and politicians, the black population will mimic their public behavior and become passive.

But the black masses are not fooled by the "gentle negro" figures so comforting to Whites. There are limits to the power of "image" and advertising.

In truth, the situation is quite unstable. If the race problem degenerates further, White middle class fears can quickly turn to anger and aggression.

Hollywood allows only two images of aggressive masculinity. One is the black male. The second, curiously, is the blond SS Officer.

The images of our popular culture cut two ways. If pressed, the White middle class has been well schooled by Hollywood in the behavior and manners that spell quick relief from this crisis.

But a sudden change would be uncomfortable for our middle class. First, their consumption patterns have been dictated by their flight from the race problem for the past thirty years. If the urban combat zones are pacified, the suburban housing they own becomes relatively less attractive. Second, because the talents required to pacify our urban combat zones are not found in profusion among our high-status occupations, such a solution implies an enormous shift of power in our society from one class of Whites to another.

But by clinging to its dream of the clever "quick fix" by manipulating popular images, White middle-class America is ensuring that a measured and peaceful political response to the problem is much less likely.


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