Powell, O.J. & the Middle Class
An article from the Nov. 8, 1995 Wall Street Journal, p A18, entitled "Tax Breaks for Being Black," states that:
"Other than name recognition, O.J. Simpson and Colin Powell don't appear, at first glance, to have much in common. But in the eyes of the federal government, both of them are "economically disadvantaged" and in need of special government help, which is exactly what they got.
"According to CNN, in 1985 a group of black investors that included Mr. Simpson and Mr. Powell bought a television station in Buffalo, N.Y., and benefitted from a federal minority preference program that gave them a tax break to buy the station."
The truth is that Colin Powell and O.J. have much more in common than just name recognition and race preferred investments.
Both have actively and successfully projected and exploited the image of the "friendly negro." It is an image that the White middle class desperately wants to believe.
That is why the March 19, 1996 edition of the Los Angeles Times, p 1, states:
"Despite his rising popularity and early advantage over Dole, however, Clinton is not the most popular political figure to Californians. That honor goes, here as elsewhere, to retired Gen. Colin Powell, who remains the object of unrequited political lust. Two thirds of the voters here have a favorable impression of the retired military man..."
The truth is that the White middle class is frightened to death of blacks and the "race problem." They want their gentle black hero, Colin Powell, to use his image and influence with blacks to make the problem go away.
More than anything else, the White middle class wants to be comforted that the "race problem" is manageable. To the White Middle class, the Colin Powells, O.J.s and Magic Johnson's hold out hope. Hope for an escape from their intense fears.
The White middle class is aware of the black family breakdown, illegitimacy rates of 60%, horrendous crime rates in our urban centers, and (thanks to O.J.) widespread, race-based jury nullification that makes it impossible for our present legal system to ensure safety. The White middle class is also aware of the "war" being waged against it.
The Sydney Morning Herald (Australia) "THE RACE WAR OF BLACK AGAINST WHITE" by Paul Sheehan. Saturday, 20 May 1995:
"The longest war America has ever fought is the Dirty War, and it is not over. It has lasted 30 years so far and claimed more than 25 million victims. It has cost almost as many lives as the Vietnam War. "It determined the result of last year's congressional election. Yet the American news media do not want to talk about the Dirty War, which remains between the lines and unreported. In fact, to even suggest that the war exists is to be discredited. So let's start suggesting, immediately.
"No matter how crime figures are massaged by those who want to acknowledge or dispute the existence of a Dirty War, there is nothing ambiguous about what the official statistics portray: for the past 30 years a large segment of black America has waged a war of violent retribution against white America. * * *
"Nearly all the following figures, which speak for themselves, have not been reported in America:
* * *
"* Almost 1 million white Americans were murdered, robbed, assaulted or raped by black Americans in 1992, compared with about 132,000 blacks who were murdered, robbed, assaulted or raped by whites, according to the same survey.
"* Blacks thus committed 7.5 times more violent inter-racial crimes than whites even though the black population is only one-seventh the size of the white population. When these figures are adjusted on a per capita basis, they reveal an extraordinary disparity: blacks are committing more than 50 times the number of violent racial crimes of whites.
"* According to the latest annual report on murder by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, most inter-racial murders involve black assailants and white victims, with blacks murdering whites at 18 times the rate that whites murder blacks.
"These breathtaking disparities began to emerge in the mid-1960's, when there was a sharp increase in black crime against whites, an upsurge which, not coincidentally, corresponds exactly with the beginning of the modern civil rights movement.
"Over time, the cumulative effect has been staggering. Justice Department and FBI statistics indicate that between 1964 and 1994 more than 25 million violent inter-racial crimes were committed, overwhelmingly involving black offenders and white victims, and more than 45,000 people were killed in inter-racial murders. By comparisons 58,000 Americans died in Vietnam, and 34,000 were killed in the Korean war.
"When non-violent crimes (burglary, larceny, car theft and personal theft) are included, the cumulative totals become prodigious. The Bureau of Justice Statistics says 27 million non-violent crimes were committed in the US in 1992, and the survey found that 31 per cent of the robberies involved black offenders and white victims (while only 2 per cent in the reverse).
"When all the crime figures are calculated, it appears that black Americans have committed at least 170 million crimes against white Americans in the past 30 years. It is the great defining disaster of American life and American ideals since World War II.
"All these are facts, yet by simply writing this story, by assembling the facts in this way, I would be deemed a racist by the American news media. It prefers to maintain a paternalistic double-standard in its coverage of black America, a lower standard.
The problem is that your degree of exposure to the above carnage depends on the quality of your real estate. With few exceptions, the above assaults take place in a narrow band in and around our urban combat zones.
Middle class whites who can afford homes in distant suburbs escape most of the impact, but still experience the fear. Those who live at the margins of our urban centers bear the brunt.
Thus, much of middle class white America is content to let the problem continue.
What the suburban middle class wants is a quick fix to the problem. They are not into difficult solutions, like pulling the plug on aid to dependent children and then forcibly containing the riots.
Nor are they into expensive solutions. They do not want to increase the tribute they must pay to blacks in the form of welfare to keep them quiet.
What they want is a quick fix through image and advertising. Like the infamous "Dare" and "project self esteem" campaigns, they hope that a "role model" like Colin Powell can somehow transform the dangerous and fearsome black population into something more like themselves.
But most of all, they want to keep the problem and their fears under wraps and out of the public view.
They think that if they can just find enough non-threatening "gentle negroes" among our sports stars and politicians, the black population will mimic their public behavior and become passive.
But the black masses are not fooled by the "gentle negro" figures so comforting to Whites. There are limits to the power of "image" and advertising.
In truth, the situation is quite unstable. If the race problem degenerates further, White middle class fears can quickly turn to anger and aggression.
Hollywood allows only two images of aggressive masculinity. One is the black male. The second, curiously, is the blond SS Officer.
The images of our popular culture cut two ways. If pressed, the White middle class has been well schooled by Hollywood in the behavior and manners that spell quick relief from this crisis.
But a sudden change would be uncomfortable for our middle class. First, their consumption patterns have been dictated by their flight from the race problem for the past thirty years. If the urban combat zones are pacified, the suburban housing they own becomes relatively less attractive. Second, because the talents required to pacify our urban combat zones are not found in profusion among our high-status occupations, such a solution implies an enormous shift of power in our society from one class of Whites to another.
But by clinging to its dream of the clever "quick fix" by manipulating popular images, White middle-class America is ensuring that a measured and peaceful political response to the problem is much less likely.
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